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The State Duma, also known as the Imperial Duma, was the lower house of the legislature in the Russian Empire, while the upper house was the State Council. It held its meetings in the Tauride Palace in Saint Petersburg. It convened four times between 27 April 1906 and the collapse of the empire in February 1917.
On July 17, the Petrograd garrison and the sailors of the Kronstadt fleet, fearing to be sent to the front, join the striking workers of the Poutilov factories and rise up against the Provisional Government: they surround the Duma but, lacking Lenin's instructions, fail to seize power.
With the outbreak of the First World War, the regular character of the Duma's work was disrupted. The first session lasted from November 15, 1912 to June 25, 1913, 81 sessions of the General Meeting of the Duma took place. The second session lasted from October 15, 1913 to June 14, 1914, 111 meetings of the General Meeting of the Duma took place.
By 1613 the duma had increased to twenty boyars and eight okolnichies. Lesser nobles, "duma gentlemen" (dumnye dvoriane) and secretaries, were added to the duma and the number of okolnichies rose in the latter half of the 17th century. In 1676, the number of boyars increased to 50 – by then they constituted only a third of the duma. [3] [4]
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Not only did this transformation violate the Manifesto, but the Council became a buffer zone between the tsar and Duma, slowing whatever progress the latter could achieve. Even three days before the Duma's first session, on 24 April 1906, the Fundamental Laws further limited the assembly's movement by giving the tsar the sole power to appoint ...
In February 1917, the Tsar first lost control of the streets, then of the soldiers, and finally of the Duma, resulting in his forced abdication on 2 March 1917. [2] On 26 February 1917 citywide strikes spread throughout Petrograd. Dozens of demonstrators were killed by troops.
Russian decision-making in July 1914 was more truly a tragedy of miscalculation... a policy of deterrence that failed to deter. Yet, like Germany, it too rested on the assumption that war was possible without domestic breakdown and that it could be waged with a reasonable prospect of success. Russia was more vulnerable to social upheaval than ...