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Age-graded variation stands in contrast to the apparent-time hypothesis, which assumes that an individual’s vernacular does not change once they are past adolescence. According to the apparent-time hypothesis, age-stratified variation is often indicative of a linguistic change in progress.
An entire speech community may exhibit age-graded variation, linguistic differences that emerge among different generations as the result of age, rather than actual language change. [4] Therefore, apparent-time sociolinguistics studies do not definitively indicate that linguistic change is underway in a given speech community. [1]
This shows that variation in semantic representations reflect semantic change instead of an age-grading phenomenon. This would be confirmed by real-time studies. The apparent time hypothesis has yet to be verified for semantic studies; however age-grading does not adequately explain why the semantic variation between ages occurs. [1]
There are several different types of age-based variation one may see within a population. They are: vernacular of a subgroup with membership typically characterized by a specific age range, age-graded variation, and indications of linguistic change in progress. One example of subgroup vernacular is the speech of street youth.
This is commonly used among the African-American population in the United States. There are several different types of age-based variation one may see within a population as well such as age range, age-graded variation, and indications of linguistic change in progress. The use of slang can be a variation based on age.
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Closely related age-grade systems are common among East African Cushitic communities. Particularly, the Oromo, a trans-national nation living in Ethiopia and Kenya, have a well-developed age-grade system known as the Gadaa System. [Another example is that of the Maasai] Gadaa through history came to organize social life around the series of ...