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At the same time, internal divisions intensified within the student movement itself. By late May, the students became increasingly disorganised with no clear leadership or unified course of action. Moreover, Tiananmen Square was overcrowded and facing serious hygiene problems. Hou Dejian suggested an open election of the student leadership to ...
Students requested that any student-government dialogue be broadcast live on television. The government, however, repeatedly failed to meet this request and proposed instead to have it recorded and aired at a different time. [4] Three major student-government dialogues occurred throughout the student movement on April 29, May 14, and May 18.
On 13 June 1989, the Beijing Public Security Bureau released an order for the arrest of 21 students who they identified as leaders of the protest. [3] [4] These student leaders were part of the Beijing Students Autonomous Federation [3] [4] which had been an instrumental student organization in the Tiananmen Square protests.
Student leaders like Wu'er Kaixi believed it was a good idea, but students like Li Jinjin, a master's student from Peking University's Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation, believed that the strike would set the movement back. [7] After the May Fourth protests of 1989, the protests lost momentum and students were beginning to return to class.
After the editorial was published, the students at Peking University in Beijing met during the night to discuss their plans for a march on April 27. [2] [3] Some of the authorities in the school tried to coax the students into calling it off; they gave hints that if the students did not protest, then the school officials would use their government connections to begin dialogues.
On April 17 and 18, 1989, students were mostly confined to the campus of the university, [17] however, by April 24, students at Nankai had begun to boycott classes. [18] They marched in crowds that gathered to over 20,000 and now carried banners and signs. [19] Large student protests occurred again to the April 26 Editorial two days later.
Along with student posters on campuses across China there were nonstudent posters from teachers, workers, and peasants expressing their support for students, and providing words of advice. [21] After 1989 onwards such democratic posters and leaflets began to disappear from the Triangle and TOEFL exam posters, Shanghai dance posters, movie ...
The Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation was the largest student union which participated in the protests, however its leadership was often divided and it did not have centralized control of the movement. With no single organization responsible for the creation of propaganda smaller groups of students took the initiative to create and ...