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Ernesto Laclau (Spanish:; 6 October 1935 – 13 April 2014) was an Argentine political theorist and philosopher. He is often described as an 'inventor' of post-Marxist political theory. He is well known for his collaborations with his long-term partner, Chantal Mouffe .
Specifically, Chapter 1 discusses the work of Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Kautsky, Eduard Bernstein, and Georges Sorel (among other texts by major thinkers in the Marxist tradition). Chapter 2's discussion of Gramsci 's conception of cultural hegemony is followed by Chapter 3's more politicized development of Laclau and Mouffe's own arguments ...
The Essex School of discourse analysis, or simply 'The Essex School', refers to a type of scholarship founded on the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.It focuses predominantly on the political discourses of late modernity utilising discourse analysis, as well as post-structuralist and psychoanalytic theory, such as may be found in the works of Lacan, Foucault, Barthes, and Derrida.
Over the course of the 1990s, Butler, Laclau, and Žižek found themselves engaging with each other's work in their own books. In order to focus more closely on their theoretical differences (and similarities), they decided to produce a book in which all three would contribute three essays each, with the authors' respective second and third essays responding to the points of dispute raised by ...
The main Peronist party is the Justicialist Party, [3] whose policies have significantly varied over time and across government administrations, [3] but have generally been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism", [3] or populism. [2] [67] Alan Knight argues that Peronism is similar to Bolivarian Revolution and the Mexican ...
Examining the populist appeal of Trump, Hidalgo-Tenorio and Benítez-Castro draw on the theories of Ernesto Laclau, writing, "The emotional appeal of populist discourse is key to its polarising effects, this being so much so that populism 'would be unintelligible without the affective component.' (Laclau 2005, 11)" [182] [183]
As Hanauer pointed out, the stratification of wealth and inequality set the stage, and the numbers behind our current populist rage are staggering. The wealthiest 1 percent now hold more wealth ...
The definition of populism is a complex one as due to its mercurial nature; it has been defined by many different scholars with different focuses, including political, economic, social, and discursive features. [4] Populism is often split into two variants in the US, one with a focus on culture and the other that focuses on economics. [5]