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The theory opposes Leon Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution and the communist left's theory of world revolution. Initially, all leading Soviet figures including Stalin agreed that the success of world socialism was a precondition for the survival of the Soviet Union. Stalin expressed this view in his pamphlet, "Foundations of Leninism."
A 2019 Levada Center poll showed that support for Stalin, whom many Russians saw as the victor in the Great Patriotic War, [237] reached a record high in the post-Soviet era, with 51% regarding him as a positive figure and 70% saying his reign was good for the country. [238]
Stalin also created Section X of the Soviet Union military to head the weapons shipment operation, called Operation X. Despite Stalin's interest in aiding the Republicans, the quality of arms was inconsistent. [210] [211] Many rifles and field guns provided were old or obsolete, but the T-26 and BT-5 tanks were modern and effective. [210]
Today, Marxism–Leninism is the ideology of the ruling parties of China, Cuba, Laos and Vietnam (all one-party socialist republics), [8] as well as many other communist parties. The state ideology of North Korea is derived from Marxism–Leninism, [9] although its evolution is disputed.
At its 6th Congress in July 1928, Stalin informed delegates that the main threat to socialism came from non-Marxist socialists and social democrats, whom he called "social fascists"; [286] Stalin recognised that in many countries, these groups were Marxist–Leninists' main rivals for working-class support. [287]
At the 18th Congress, Stalin took the theory to its inevitable conclusion, claiming that the communist mode of production could be conceived in one country. [13] He rationalised this by claiming that the state could exist in a communist society, as long as the Soviet Union was encircled by capitalism. [ 13 ]
After 1930, open criticism of Stalin within the Communist Party was virtually non-existent, though Stalin continued to hunt for discreet dissenters. [50] Stalin dominated the Politburo (the policy-making branch of the Communist Party) through staunch allies such as Sergo Ordzhonikidze, Lazar Kaganovich, Vyacheslav Molotov, and Kliment Voroshilov.
Stalin began work as early as January 1913, though on Lenin's advice, Stalin settled in Vienna to work on the article, as the city was a focal point for the discussion in socialist circles. [25] Lacking a strong knowledge of German, Stalin read Russian translations of key works, and had assistants find material and translate for him. [26]