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Preferential voting or preference voting (PV) may refer to different election systems or groups of election systems: Any electoral system that allows a voter to indicate multiple preferences where preferences marked are weighted or used as contingency votes (any system other than plurality or anti-plurality )
In a voting system that uses a ranked vote, the voter ranks the candidates in order of preference. For example, they might mark a preference for Bob in the first place, then Emily, then Alice, then Daniel, and finally Charlie. Ranked voting systems, such as those used in Australia and Ireland, use a ranked vote.
Example of an optional preferential ballot paper. One of the ways in which ranked voting systems vary is whether an individual vote must express a minimum number of preferences to avoid being considered invalid ("spoiled" or "informal" or "rejected"). Possibilities are: Full preferential voting (FPV) requires all candidates to be ranked
First-preference votes are used by psephologists and the print and broadcast media to broadly describe the state of the parties at elections and the swing between elections. [ 4 ] [ 5 ] [ 6 ] The term is much-used in Australian politics, where ranked voting has been universal at federal, state, and local levels since the 1920s.
For example, in the 2019 election over a quarter of voters preferenced a minor party or an independent candidate first on their ballots. [8] In the 2019 federal election, 82.2% of Greens preferences went to the Labor party, while the Coalition received about 65% of One Nation and United Australia Party preferences. [8]
The first matrix below records the preferences expressed on a single ballot paper, in which the voter's preferences are B > C > A > D; that is, the voter ranked B first, C second, A third, and D fourth. In the matrix a '1' indicates that the runner is preferred over the opponent, while a '0' indicates that the opponent is preferred over the runner.
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Neutral voting models try to minimize the number of parameters and, as an example of the nothing-up-my-sleeve principle. The most common such model is the impartial anonymous culture model (or Dirichlet model). These models assume voters assign each candidate a utility completely at random (from a uniform distribution).