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The government also extended military support to Alfonso Lim, with one of his companies enlisting 150 soldiers and 50 security guards. The Philippine Military trained draftees, and Lim paid for their salaries and provided their weapons. [2] Herminio Disini, a Marcos crony known for his tobacco monopoly, also had dealings with agriculture and ...
The Philippine Competition Commission is an independent, quasi-judicial body created to enforce the act. It is attached to the Office of the President of the Philippines. [6] Five commissioners were appointed to the Philippine Competition Commission and sworn in on January 27, 2015: [7] Michael G. Aguinaldo (Chairperson) Marah Victoria S. Querol
The Philippine Competition Act (PCA) or Republic Act No. 10667 is the primary competition law of the Philippines. It aims to promote and protect market competition in the country. It protects the well-being of consumers and preserves the efficiency of competition in the marketplace. [3]
The Philippine economic nosedive of 1983 traces its roots to debt-driven growth, mostly during Marcos' second term and during the earliest years of martial law. [1] By 1982, the Philippines’ debt was at $24.4 billion, [1] but it had not seen much in terms of returns because of corruption and the poor management of the crony-monopolized ...
The Impact of Trade on Employment in the Philippines: Country Report (PDF). Makati City, Philippines: International Labour Organization. April 2019. ISBN 978-92-2-133021-9. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 24, 2022. Villegas, Bernardo. Guide to Economics for Filipinos. Manila: Sinag-Tala, 2001. ISBN 971-554-138-0
This is why by law, a monopoly is defined as an entity which has significant market power, which includes the ability to charge extremely high prices and prevent the entry of competition.
While the report obtained by the New York Times speculated that story could be used by Marcos to justify martial law, as early as December 1969 in a message from the U.S. ambassador to the U.S. assistant secretary of state, the U.S. ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination has been coming from the defeated ...
Ricardo Manapat, who wrote about the illegitimate activities of the Marcoses and their cronies, wrote a follow-up report entitled "Wrong Number" the PLDT Telephone Monopoly." The report revealed PLDT's questionable management practices as well as how the Cojuangco family controlled the company, despite owning only 1.6% of the total stock.