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The Republicans have a 6-3 supermajority on the Court, despite losing five of the last eight presidential elections. If each president had an equal influence on the Court—if each president ...
White House staff members typically handle the vetting and recommending of potential Supreme Court nominees. [6] In practice, the task of conducting background research on and preparing profiles of possible candidates for the Supreme Court is among the first taken on by an incoming president's staff, vacancy or not. [7]
The Appointments Clause appears at Article II, Section 2, Clause 2 and provides:... and [the President] shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be ...
The writ is usually issued to a state supreme court (including high courts of the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and American Samoa), but is occasionally issued to a state's intermediate appellate court for cases where the state supreme court denied certiorari or review and ...
The Supreme Court nominations do seem to have become recently politicized. Liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was approved with a 96-3 split in the Senate, and Conservative Justice Antonin Scalia ...
Fixed-terms in a presidential system may also be considered a check on the powers of the executive, contrasting parliamentary systems, which may allow the prime minister to call elections whenever they see fit or orchestrate their own vote of no confidence to trigger an election when they cannot get a legislative item passed.
This will probably hold, although when it wants to, the Supreme Court has shown a willingness to disregard relatively clear constitutional rules—like the one barring oath-breaking ...
The Thurmond rule was first posited by Senator Strom Thurmond in 1968.. The Thurmond rule in U.S. politics posits that, at some point in a U.S. presidential election year, the U.S. Senate should not confirm the president's nominees to the federal judiciary, except under certain circumstances.