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The Education Act became a permanent part of the Post-war consensus supported by the three major political parties. [139] [140] While the new law formed a part of the widely accepted Post-war consensus agreed to in general by the major parties, one part generated controversy. Left-wing critics attacked grammar schools as being elitist because a ...
The post-war military cost £200 million a year, to put 1.3 million men (and a few thousand women) in uniform, keep operational combat fleets stationed in the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, and the Indian Ocean as well as Hong Kong, fund bases across the globe, as well as 120 full Royal Air Force squadrons. [15]
The Home Front 1914–1918: How Britain Survived the Great War (2006). Hammond, R.J. Food and agriculture in Britain, 1939–45: Aspects of wartime control (Food, agriculture, and World War II) (Stanford U.P. 1954); summary of his three volume official history entitled Food (1951–53) Knight, Katherine (2007).
Post-war Britain (1945–1979) Political history of the United Kingdom (1979–present) While coverage of British social history over the same period can be found below: Social history of post-war Britain (1945–1979) Social history of the United Kingdom (1979–present)
The thesis of post-war consensus was most fully developed by Paul Addison. [6] The basic argument is that in the 1930s Liberal intellectuals led by John Maynard Keynes and William Beveridge developed a series of plans that became especially attractive as the wartime government promised a much better post-war Britain and saw the need to engage every sector of society.
Historian David Olusoga said the survey captured ‘one of the most dramatic and dangerous moments in history’.
People who had retired, resigned or been dismissed from the forces before the war were liable to be called back if they had not reached 51 years of age. Britain did not completely demobilise in 1945, as conscription continued after the war. Those already in the armed forces were given a release class determined by length of service and age.
The wartime Minister of Labour and National Service and Britain's first post-war Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, was the chief architect of the demobilisation plan. The speed of its introduction was attributed to the tide of public opinion, which favoured slogans and policies that appealed to peace and disengagement. [2]