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The term second-generation immigrant attracts criticism due to it being an oxymoron. Namely, critics say, a "second-generation immigrant" is not an immigrant, since being "second-generation" means that the person is born in the country and the person's parents are the immigrants in question. Generation labeling immigrants is further complicated ...
Second-generation immigrants in the United States are individuals born and raised in the United States who have at least one foreign-born parent. [1] Although the term is an oxymoron which is often used ambiguously, this definition is cited by major research centers including the United States Census Bureau and the Pew Research Center.
Research with Filipino Americans has demonstrated that first-generation immigrants had lower levels of depressive symptoms than subsequent, US-born generations. [19] First-generation Mexican immigrants to the United States were found to have lower incidences of mood disorders and substance use than their bicultural or subsequent generation counterparts.
During the mid-twentieth century in the United States, the first, second, and third generations of immigrants displayed distinct characteristics. Second-generation immigrants, having immigrant parents who witnessed the historical events unfolding in the mid-twentieth century, developed a distinct social identity both in themselves and in ...
In particular, children in immigrant families may have greater access to education and work opportunities. These, in turn, can help facilitate social mobility, raising the socioeconomic status of subsequent generations of immigrants relative to first generation immigrants (see Second generation immigrants in the United States).
For some time now, social discourse has often not only been about the integration of immigrants themselves (first-generation migrants, “foreigner integration” in the narrower sense), but also about the integration of the future generation(s), who are usually already naturalized or born as citizens, the “integration of people with a ...
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IRCA, as proposed in Congress, was projected to give amnesty to about 1,000,000 workers in the country illegally. In practice, amnesty for about 3,000,000 immigrants already in the country was granted, mostly from Mexico. Legal Mexican immigrant family numbers were 2,198,000 in 1980, 4,289,000 in 1990 (includes IRCA), and 7,841,000 in 2000.