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The theory opposes Leon Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution and the communist left's theory of world revolution. Initially, all leading Soviet figures including Stalin agreed that the success of world socialism was a precondition for the survival of the Soviet Union. Stalin expressed this view in his pamphlet, "Foundations of Leninism."
In Spain during almost three years, despite a civil war that took a million lives, despite the opposition of the political parties (republicans, left and right Catalan separatists, socialists, Communists, Basque and Valencian regionalists, petty bourgeoisie, etc.), this idea of libertarian communism was put into effect.
Mao's greatest divergence with Stalin was during his radical phase in the 1960s when he said that there is the possibility of an entire bourgeoisie developing inside the Communist Party bureaucracy in a socialist (pre-communist) society, and restoring capitalism from within. The leaders of this domestic bourgeoisie were the "people in positions ...
Stalin also created Section X of the Soviet Union military to head the weapons shipment operation, called Operation X. Despite Stalin's interest in aiding the Republicans, the quality of arms was inconsistent. [210] [211] Many rifles and field guns provided were old or obsolete, but the T-26 and BT-5 tanks were modern and effective. [210]
They did not speak of the destruction of capitalism, but sought to win the support of the masses and by a gradual transformation of the bureaucracies. In 1978, the Communist Party of Spain replaced the historic "Marxist–Leninist" catchphrase with the new slogan of "Marxist, democratic and revolutionary". The movement faded in the 1980s and ...
Writing two The Guardian articles in 2002 and 2006, British journalist Seumas Milne wrote that the impact of the post-Cold War narrative that Stalin and Hitler were twin evils and therefore communism is as monstrous as Nazism "has been to relativize the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at ...
After 1930, open criticism of Stalin within the Communist Party was virtually non-existent, though Stalin continued to hunt for discreet dissenters. [50] Stalin dominated the Politburo (the policy-making branch of the Communist Party) through staunch allies such as Sergo Ordzhonikidze, Lazar Kaganovich, Vyacheslav Molotov, and Kliment Voroshilov.
A 2019 Levada Center poll showed that support for Stalin, whom many Russians saw as the victor in the Great Patriotic War, [237] reached a record high in the post-Soviet era, with 51% regarding him as a positive figure and 70% saying his reign was good for the country. [238]