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Time named Lenin one of the 100 most important people of the 20th century, [522] and one of their top 25 political icons of all time. [523] In the Western world, biographers began writing about Lenin soon after his death; some such as Christopher Hill were sympathetic to him, and others such as Richard Pipes and Robert Gellately expressly hostile.
Alexei Rykov succeeded Lenin as chairman of the Sovnarkom, and although he was de jure the most powerful person in the country, in fact, all power was concentrated in the hands of the "troika" – the union of three influential party figures: Grigory Zinoviev, Joseph Stalin, and Lev Kamenev. Stalin continued to increase his influence in the ...
The attack received much coverage in the Russian press, with much good wishes expressed toward Lenin himself. [131] The assassination attempt boosted Lenin's popularity and generated much sympathy for him. [132] As a respite, in September 1918 Lenin was driven to the luxurious estate near Gorki that the government had recently acquired. [133]
Influenced by the events of the First World War, Lenin wrote the book Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. He argued that imperialism was a product of monopoly capitalism, as capitalists sought to increase their profits by extending into new territories where wages were lower and raw materials cheaper. He also criticised Kautsky's view ...
"Capitalism has triumphed all over the world, but this triumph is only the prelude to the triumph of labour over capital. Vladimir Lenin " Unity must be won, and only the workers, the class-conscious workers themselves can win it – by stubborn and persistent effort.
The State and Revolution is considered to be Lenin's most important work on the state and has been called by Lucio Colletti "Lenin's greatest contribution to political theory". [2] According to the Marxologist David McLellan , "the book had its origin in Lenin's argument with Bukharin in the summer of 1916 over the existence of the state after ...
To educate the working class on Marxism, Lenin insists that Marxists should form a political party, or vanguard, of dedicated revolutionaries in order to spread Marxist political ideas among the workers. The pamphlet, in part, precipitated the split of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party between Lenin's Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. [4]
Lenin said that the appearance of new socialist states was necessary for strengthening Russia's economy in establishing Russian socialism. Lenin's socio-economic perspective was supported by the German Revolution of 1918–1919, the Italian insurrection and general strikes of 1920, and worker wage-riots in the UK, France, and the US.