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Student groups began accusing each other of ulterior motives, such as collusion with the government and trying to gain personal fame from the movement. Some students even tried to oust Chai Ling, and Feng Congde from their leadership positions in an attempted kidnapping, an action Chai called a "well-organised and premeditated plot". [56]
Students requested that any student-government dialogue be broadcast live on television. The government, however, repeatedly failed to meet this request and proposed instead to have it recorded and aired at a different time. [4] Three major student-government dialogues occurred throughout the student movement on April 29, May 14, and May 18.
After the editorial was published, the students at Peking University in Beijing met during the night to discuss their plans for a march on April 27. [2] [3] Some of the authorities in the school tried to coax the students into calling it off; they gave hints that if the students did not protest, then the school officials would use their government connections to begin dialogues.
On 13 June 1989, the Beijing Public Security Bureau released an order for the arrest of 21 students who they identified as leaders of the protest. [3] [4] These student leaders were part of the Beijing Students Autonomous Federation [3] [4] which had been an instrumental student organization in the Tiananmen Square protests.
The April 26 Editorial was a front-page article published in People's Daily on April 26, 1989, during the Tiananmen Square protests.The editorial effectively defined the student movement as a destabilizing anti-party revolt that should be resolutely opposed at all levels of society.
The book has been named one of the Top five China Books by the Asia Society. [1] It is primarily an oral history of Yi Danxuan, Shen Tong, and Wang Dan, all exiled student leaders from the 1989 Tiananmen Movement in China. "Tracing the life trajectories of these exiles, from childhood during Mao's Cultural Revolution, adolescence growing up ...
Along with student posters on campuses across China there were nonstudent posters from teachers, workers, and peasants expressing their support for students, and providing words of advice. [21] After 1989 onwards such democratic posters and leaflets began to disappear from the Triangle and TOEFL exam posters, Shanghai dance posters, movie ...
During the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, People's Daily played an important role in changing the course of events, especially its April 26 Editorial that provoked great tension between the government and the students when the movement was slowly abating after Hu Yaobang's memorial on April 25.