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Abby Kelley Foster (January 15, 1811 – January 14, 1887) was an American abolitionist and radical social reformer active from the 1830s to 1870s. She became a fundraiser, lecturer and committee organizer for the influential American Anti-Slavery Society , where she worked closely with William Lloyd Garrison and other radicals.
Liberty Farm is a National Historic Landmark at 116 Mower Street in Worcester, Massachusetts.Built c. 1810, it was the home for most of their married life of Abby Kelley Foster (1810–1887) and Stephen Symonds Foster (1809-1881), early vocal abolitionists and women's rights activists.
Stephen Symonds Foster (November 17, 1809 – September 13, 1881) was a radical American abolitionist known for his dramatic and aggressive style of public speaking, and for his stance against those in the church who failed to fight slavery. His marriage to Abby Kelley brought his energetic activism to bear on women's rights.
Abby Kelley (1811–1887) – abolitionist, radical social reformer, fundraiser, lecturer and organizer for the American Anti-Slavery Society. [ 16 ] Florence Luscomb (1887–1985) – architect and prominent leader of Massachusetts suffragists.
A former Playboy model killed herself and her 7-year-old son after jumping from a hotel in Midtown New York City on Friday morning. The New York Post reports that 47-year-old Stephanie Adams ...
1845 Became a Garrisonian Abolitionist through influence of Abby Kelley Foster. 1846-47 Conducted antislavery fairs in Ohio; attended antislavery fairs and meetings in Boston. 1848 May have attended Woman's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. [citation needed]
Burncoat matched its win total from last season after the Patriots had another offensive surge in a win over Abby Kelley. Burncoat enjoying turnaround as offensive burst dispatches Abby Kelley ...
Among the members were Adin Ballou, Amos Bronson Alcott, Maria Weston Chapman, Stephen Symonds Foster, Abby Kelley, Samuel May, and Henry C. Wright. [7] The Non-Resistance Society held its last meeting in 1849. [4] The organization has been considered by one historian to be a "relatively exclusive vehicle of the radical [Boston] upper class" [8]