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A common critique of critical political economy (often from the cultural studies approach) is that, like Marx, it fetishizes capitalism and is deterministic technologically and/or economically. [1] Christian Fuchs and Vincent Mosco in their book Marx and the Political Economy of the Media compile the effects of media communication in a ...
A de facto regulation may be followed by an organization as a result of the market size of the jurisdiction imposing the regulation as a proportion of the overall market; wherein the market share is so large that it results in the organization choosing to comply by implementing one standard of business with respect to the given de facto law ...
Political communication has long used political persuasion, which is a key subfield for rhetoric studies. Political figures understand the role of the media in gaining the acceptance of voters. [18] For example, political communication delivered through social media tends to be accompanied by social interaction and public opinion. [19]
This type of asymmetry can be called de jure asymmetry (Brown 2). The second type reflects agreements which come out of national policy, opting out, and (depending on one's definition of the term) bilateral and ad hoc deals with specific provinces, none of which are entrenched in the constitution. This type of asymmetry is known as de facto ...
[citation needed] Sometimes the term "de facto one-party state" is used to describe dominant-party systems which, unlike a one-party system, allows (at least nominally) democratic multiparty elections, but the existing practices or balance of political power effectively prevent the opposition from winning power, thus resembling a one-party state.
Guided democracy, also called directed democracy [1] and managed democracy, [2] [3] is a formally democratic government that functions as a de facto authoritarian government or, in some cases, as an autocratic government. [4] Such hybrid regimes are legitimized by elections, but do not change the state's policies, motives, and goals. [5] [page ...
Another example in Latin America is the one of the former general Manuel Noriega, who was the military leader and the de facto chief of state of Panama from 1983 to 1989. Diego Portales of Chile, who had significant influence in the political life of his country in early 1830s, reflected in the Constitution of 1833; [7] [8]
They posit a framework for institutional change that is rooted in the distribution of resources across society and preexisting political institutions. These two factors determine de jure and de facto political power, respectively, which in turn defines this period's economic institutions and the next period's political institutions.