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Lenin also disagreed with the Workers Opposition on issues of economic organisation; in June 1918, Lenin expressed the need for a centralised economic control of industry, whereas the Workers Opposition promoted the idea of each factory being under the direct control of its workers, an approach that Lenin considered to be anarcho-syndicalist ...
He deemed the unions to be superfluous in a "workers' state", but Lenin disagreed, believing it best to retain them; most Bolsheviks embraced Lenin's view in the 'trade union discussion'. [336] To deal with the dissent, at the Tenth Party Congress in February 1921, Lenin introduced a ban on factional activity within the party, under pain of ...
Like Marx, Lenin distinguished between the aspects of a revolution, the "economic campaign" (labour strikes for increased wages and work concessions) that featured diffused plural leadership; and the "political campaign" (socialist changes to society), which required the decisive, revolutionary leadership of the Bolshevik vanguard party.
To educate the working class on Marxism, Lenin insists that Marxists should form a political party, or vanguard, of dedicated revolutionaries in order to spread Marxist political ideas among the workers. The pamphlet, in part, precipitated the split of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party between Lenin's Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. [4]
It is often believed that Lenin thought the bearers of class consciousness were the common intellectuals who made it their vocation to conspire against the capitalist system, educate the public in revolutionary theory, and prepare the workers for the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat that would follow.
Lenin believed that the vanguard party could initiate policies in the name of the working class even if the working class did not support them, since the vanguard party would know what was best for the workers, since the party functionaries had attained consciousness. [7]
The State and Revolution is considered to be Lenin's most important work on the state and has been called by Lucio Colletti "Lenin's greatest contribution to political theory". [2] According to the Marxologist David McLellan , "the book had its origin in Lenin's argument with Bukharin in the summer of 1916 over the existence of the state after ...
Lenin’s approach was more moderate than Trotsky’s and focused on the educational and organizational role of trade unions in the socialist state. He believed that trade unions should serve as a "school of communism," helping to educate workers in the administration of the economy and preparing them for eventual control of production.