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Power-control theory differs from other control theories that view crime as a cause of low social status (cited from book). This theory compares gender and parental control mechanisms in two different types of families; patriarchal and egalitarian to explain the differences in self-reported male and female misconduct.
John L. Hagan is an American sociologist focusing on criminology. He is currently the John D. MacArthur Professor of Sociology and Law at Northwestern University and University Professor Emeritus of Law and Sociology at University of Toronto and also formerly the Dahlstrom Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Law at University of North Carolina (1994-96).
John Hagan was also a cotton factor, meaning he ran a cotton brokerage and de facto private bank and business office for cotton plantation owners. [ 5 ] According to historian Walter Johnson , "John Hagan's yearly routine began in Charleston with slave buying during June and July; he continued in Virginia and then was back in Charleston in ...
A visual depiction of philosopher John Rawls's hypothetical veil of ignorance. Citizens making choices about their society are asked to make them from an "original position" of equality (left) behind a "veil of ignorance" (wall, center), without knowing what gender, race, abilities, tastes, wealth, or position in society they will have (right).
In criminology, pyrrhic defeat theory is a way of looking at criminal justice policy. It suggests that the criminal justice system's intentions are the very opposite of common expectations; it functions the way it does in order to create a specific image of crime: one in which it is actually a threat from the poor.
Steven Greenhut argues the theory is a prescription for abuse and authoritarianism. [32] David Driesen argues that unitary control over the executive is a defining characteristic of autocracy. [31] The Economist wrote that "the vain and tyrannical whims of an emperor-president would emerge from the rubble." [28]
Power resource theory is a political theory proposing that variations among welfare states is largely attributable to differing distributions of power between economic classes. It argues that " working class power achieved through organisation by labor unions or left parties , produces more egalitarian distributional outcomes ".
The belief "that no one should be forcibly prevented from acting in any way he chooses provided his acts are not invasive of the free acts of others" has become one of the basic principles of libertarian politics. [6] The US Libertarian Party includes a version of the harm principle as part of its official party platform. It states: