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Upon the refusal of the members of the Parlement, Louis XVI tried to use his absolute power to subjugate them by every means: enforcing in many occasions the registration of his reforms via Lit de justice (6 August 1787, 19 November 1787, and 8 May 1788), exiling all Parlement magistrates to Troyes as a punishment on 15 August 1787, prohibiting ...
June 25: Louis XVI returns to Paris. The Assembly suspends his functions until further notice. July 5: Emperor Leopold II issues the Padua Circular calling on the royal houses of Europe to come to the aid of Louis XVI, his brother-in-law. July 9: The Assembly decrees that émigrés must return to France within two months, or forfeit their property.
[3] [4] [5] Combined with resistance to reform by the ruling elite, and indecisive policy by Louis XVI and his ministers, the result was a crisis the state was unable to manage. [6] [7] Between 1715 and 1789, the French population grew from 21 to 28 million, 20% of whom lived in towns or cities, Paris alone having over 600,000 inhabitants. [8]
The immediate restoration of the parlements by Louis XVI was followed by a renewal of the quarrels between the new king and the magistrature. Maupeou and Terray were replaced on 24 August 1774 by Miromesnil and then by Malesherbes , recalled from his exile in 1775 to be Secretary of State of the Maison du Roi , and by the economist Turgot .
During the French Revolution, the National Assembly (French: Assemblée nationale), which existed from 17 June 1789 to 9 July 1789, [1] was a revolutionary assembly of the Kingdom of France formed by the representatives of the Third Estate (commoners) of the Estates-General and eventually joined by some members of the First and Second Estates.
Charles Alexandre de Calonne (20 January 1734 – 30 October 1802), titled Count of Hannonville in 1759, [1] was a French statesman, best known for being Louis XVI's Controller-General of Finances (minister of finance) in the years leading up to the French Revolution.
Where most professional historians attempt to assume a neutral, detached tone of writing, or a semi-official style in the tradition of Thomas Babington Macaulay, [2] Carlyle unfolds his history by often writing in present-tense first-person plural [3] as though he and the reader were observers, indeed almost participants, on the streets of ...
The Left had three objects of enmity. First among these was the royal couple, King Louis XVI, Queen Marie Antoinette and the royal family. The Left as a whole wished to replace the monarchy with a republic, although this was not initially the public position of most of them.