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An affirmative answer would support the (1) claim in the central anti-abortion argument, while a negative answer would support the (1) claim in the central abortion-rights argument. Another family of arguments relates to bodily rights—the question of whether the woman's bodily rights justify abortion even if the embryo has a right to life.
Because abortion was illegal in Spain, during the 1970s, Spanish women who could afford to do so went to London to get abortions. In 1974, 2,863 Spanish women had abortions in London, and in 1975, there were 4,230. In the a four-month period in 1976, 2,726 Spanish women went to London for abortions. In 1979, there were 16,433; in 1981, 22,000. [17]
No agreement could be reached over abortion, and Article 15 had the ambiguous text "todos tienan derecho a la vida" at the insistence of UCD and Coalición Popular so the door could be left open to make abortion illegal. [42] Feminists groups watched the process of creating a new Spanish constitution with concern.
Harman's father is Gilbert Harman, professor of philosophy.Harman's mother was Lucy Harman, a psychotherapist at Princeton University. [1]As a professor of philosophy, Harman is known for her expertise on ethics, specifically on ethics of abortion.
In the earliest texts, it can be difficult to discern to what extent a particular religious injunction held force as secular law. In later texts, the rationale for abortion laws may be sought in a wide variety of fields including philosophy, religion, and jurisprudence. These rationales were not always included in the wording of the actual laws.
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Abortion legislation in Spain has a fluctuating history. During the 1930s, abortion laws were liberalized in the area controlled by the Republicans, but this was short-lived, as the Franco regime, with support of the Catholic Church, criminalized abortion again. The laws were relaxed in 1985, and were further liberalized in 2010.