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A 2020 study found that gerrymandering "impedes numerous party functions at both the congressional and state house levels. Candidates are less likely to contest districts when their party is disadvantaged by a districting plan. Candidates that do choose to run are more likely to have weak resumes. Donors are less willing to contribute money.
The efficiency gap was first devised by University of Chicago law professor Nicholas Stephanopoulos and political scientist Eric McGhee in 2014. [3] The metric has notably been used to quantitatively assess the effect of gerrymandering, the assigning of voters to electoral districts in such a way as to increase the number of districts won by one political party at the expense of another.
In representative electoral systems, gerrymandering (/ ˈ dʒ ɛr i m æ n d ər ɪ ŋ / JERR-ee-man-dər-ing, originally / ˈ ɡ ɛr i m æ n d ər ɪ ŋ / GHERR-ee-man-dər-ing) [1] [2] is the political manipulation of electoral district boundaries to advantage a party, group, or socioeconomic class within the constituency.
Li says gerrymandering doesn’t only give an outsized advantage to one party, it also eliminates competition. “There are only about 25 seats right now that are toss-ups of the 435 in the US House.
Ohioans don't like gerrymandering, which is why both sides of the Issue 1 debate say they have a solution for it.
In an about-face last week, with a newly elected Republican majority, the North Carolina Supreme Court cleared the way for the Republican-controlled state legislature to further gerrymander its ...
Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900 (1995), was a United States Supreme Court case concerning "affirmative gerrymandering/racial gerrymandering", where racial minority-majority electoral districts are created during redistricting to increase minority Congressional representation.
The GOP argued in its lawsuit the redistricting amounted to “cracking and stacking” by splitting up the Second District’s conservative majority.